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Fonto |
Maŝina Traduko |
Profesia Homa Traduko |
CLAUDE PIRON.
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{CLAUDE} PIRON.
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CLAUDE PIRON
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Psikologiaj reagoj al Esperanto.
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Psychological reactions to Esperanto.
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Psychological Reactions to Esperanto.
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1. Diferencaj reagoj.
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1. Different reactions.
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1. Differing reactions
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Al psikologo esploranta la reagojn al la vorto "Esperanto" okulfrapas du faktoj:
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To a psychologist examining the reactions to the word "Esperanto" two facts are striking:
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To a psychologist investigating reactions to the word "Esperanto" two facts are immediately apparent:
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1) alta proporcio el la personoj invititaj esprimi sin tiuteme abunde parolas.
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a high rate speaks 1) from the invited expressing themself {tiuteme} abundantly persons.
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1) a high percentage of those invited to give their opinion have a great deal to say about it
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2) ili rigardas evidentaj, kaj, multkaze, spontane citas, diversajn punktojn ne konformajn al la kontrolebla realaĵo, ekzemple: "neniu iam ajn verkis romanon rekte en Esperanto", "Esperanto estas lingvo, kiun neniu parolas", "ne ekzistas infanoj, kies gepatra lingvo ĝi estas", ktp.
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they look 2) evident, and, in many cases, spontaneously quotes, various not fitting points to the possible for a check reality, for example: "no wrote a novel somesometime directly in Esperanto", "Esperanto is a language, which no speaks", "children, whose parental language it is", etc. do not exist
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2) they regard as self-evident, and in many cases cite without prompting, various statements which are contrary to verifiable reality, for example: "no one has ever written a novel straight into Esperanto", "Esperanto is a language no one speaks", "there are no children who have it as the mother tongue", etc.
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Tiajn konvinkojn bele ilustras letero de leganto Peter Wells, el Singapuro, al Time magazine:
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A letter of a reader illustrates that kind of beliefs beautifully Peter Wells, from Singapore, to Afraidly {magazine}:
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Such convictions are well illustrated by a reader's letter in Time magazine from Peter Wells of Singapore:
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Esperanto has no cultural history, no indigenous literature and no monolinguals or even first-language speakers. (Wells, 1987)
[Esperanto havas nek kulturan historion, nek indiĝenan literaturon, nek unulingvulojn aŭ eĉ parolantojn, kies unua lingvo ĝi estus.]
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Esperanto is oh a we {cultural} {history}, a we {indigenous} literaryly {and} a we {monolinguals} {or} {even} {first-language} {speakers}. (Wells, 1987) [ Esperanto has cultural a story, nor a native literature, nor nor monoglots or even speakers, whose first language it would be.]
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Esperanto has no cultural history, no indigenous literature and no monolinguals or even first-language speakers. (Wells, 1987).
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Krome, multaj demandatoj manifestas ĉiujn signojn de emocia implikiĝo. Kelkaj reagas entuziasme, ekscitiĝe. Sed la plimulto rigardas al Esperanto de alte, kvazaŭ evidente temus pri io infaneca. La koncernato demonstras, ke Esperanto ne estas io serioza, kaj lia tono estas malestima, ironia aŭ humure supereca rilate al la "naivuloj", kiuj okupiĝas pri ĝi.
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Besides, many personses who is asked show every characters of an emotional involvement. Somes respond enthusiastically, {ekscitiĝe}. But the majority looks to Esperanto from high, as though apparently would handle about something childish. The protagonist proves, that Esperanto is not something serious, and his tone is disdainful, ironic or humourously upper hand concerning to the "naive persons", which are concerned about it.
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In addition, many of those questioned display every sign of emotional involvement. Some react enthusiastically, fervently. But the majority are patronising towards Esperanto, as though it were obviously childish. The person concerned makes it clear that Esperanto is not to be taken seriously, and his tone is disdainful, ironic or humourously condescending towards the "simple souls" who take it up.
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Se, por disponi komparan, referencan reagon, la esploranto proponas al sia kunparolanto sammaniere esprimi sin pri la bulgara aŭ la indonezia, li ricevas tute alian respondon. Unuminute la demandito klarigas per perfekte neŭtrala tono ĉion, kion li povas pri tiuj eldiri, nome, ĝenerale, ke koncerne ilin li scias nenion.
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If, for dispose a comparative, benchmark reaction, the researcher offers expressing to his interlocutor in same way itself about the Bulgarian or the Indonesia, he receives a quite another answer. The person who was asked explains {Unuminute} with a perfectly neutral tone everything, what he can state about this, namely, generally, that he knows nothing about them.
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If, in order to get a control reaction for comparison, the researcher asks the subject to give his or her opinion about Bulgarian or Indonesian in the same way, he gets quite a different response. The subject takes about a minute to recount in a perfectly neutral tone of voice everything he has to say about them, usually that he knows nothing.
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La kontrasto mirigas. Ĝi riveliĝas eĉ pli rimarkinda, kiam oni testas la sciojn per precizaj demandoj: literaturo, geografia etendiĝo, esprimpovo, ktp. Tuj aperas, ke la intormiĝo de la demandito rilate Esperanton estas preskaŭ plene erara, multe pli ol la eretoj da scio, kiujn li povas tiri el si pri la referenclingvoj. Kial li konscias sian nekompetentecon en unu kazo, sed ne en la alia?
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The difference amazes. It discovers even more remarkable, when one tests the knowledges with accurate questions: a literature, geographical a distribution, a subtlety of expression, etc. Immediately appears, that the {intormiĝo} of the person who was asked is Esperanto concerning almost fully wrong, a lot more than the grains of a knowledge, which he can draw from himself about the reference languages. Why he realises his incompetence in one case, but not in the another?
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The contrast is astonishing. It is seen to be all the more remarkable when his knowledge is tested by precise questions about literature, geographical distribution, subtlety of expression, etc. At once it becomes apparent that the subject's impressions about Esperanto are almost wholly erroneous, much more so than the tiny scraps of knowledge he can drag up concerning the control languages. Why is he aware of his incompetence in the one case and not in the other?
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Verŝajne lingvoj kiel la bulgara kaj la indonezia perceptiĝas kiel apartenantaj al la kampo de la faktoj, dum Esperanto estas sentata kiel propono. Antaŭ fakto, oni klinas sin. Fronte al sugesto, oni sentas sin devigita respondi jes aŭ ne, kaj tuj poste defendi sian starpunkton. Sed kial Esperanto ne sentiĝas kiel situanta sur la kampo de la faktoj? Kaj kial la reago, tiel ofte, montriĝas tiagrade emocia? La implikiĝo de la afekcia sfero ne limiĝas al individuaj inter-paroloj, kiel atestas jena citaĵo, tirita el artikolo pri la pedagogio de la latina, artikolo cetere elmontranta plej neŭtralan kaj informan tonon:
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Languages get probably like the Bulgarian and the Indonesia perceptive like belonging to the field by the facts, Esperanto is during felt like an offer. Before a fact, one inclines itself. In front to a suggestion, one feels itself forced answering yes or no, and immediately next defend his attitude. But Esperanto gets why not sensual like situated on the field by the facts? And why the reaction, thus often, it points out to be so emotional? The involvement of the affective ball is not limited to individual conversations, how a following quotation attests, drawn from an article about the pedagogy by the Latin, an article besides showing a most neutral and informative tone:
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Presumably languages such as Bulgarian and Indonesian are seen as belonging to the realm of facts, while Esperanto is felt to be a proposal. Facts are bowed down to. Faced with a proposal, it is felt necessary to give a yes or a no and then defend that point of view. But why is Esperanto not seen as belonging to the realm of facts? And why does the reaction, so frequently, become so emotional? This involvement of the emotional range is not restricted to individual conversations, as witness the following quotation taken from an article on the teaching of Latin, an article otherwise expressed in a neutral and informative tone:
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Gloire donc au latin, et a bas 1'esperanto, mixture aux relents d'artifice et aux esperances degues! (G.P., 1985).
[Gloron do al la latina, kaj pereu Esperanto, fi-miksaĵo odoraĉa je malnatureco kaj esperoj trompitaj!]
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Gloire {au} {donc} {latin}, Esperanto, {mixture} {aux} {relents} {d'} {artifice} {et} {aux} {esperances} {degues}! {bas} {et} {a} 1' (G. P., 1985).
[ a Glory so to the Latin, and Esperanto, {odoraĉa} {fi-miksaĵo} about abandonment the other way around and deceived hopes! should perish]
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Gloire donc au latin, et à bas l'espéranto, mixture aux relents d'artifice et aux espérances déçues! (G.P., 1985).
(Long live Latin, then, and down with Esperanto, that hotchpotch stinking of artificiality and hopes betrayed!)
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Tiu frazo, senrilata al la cetera teksto, impresas kvazaŭ emocia ŝpruco supreniĝus neatendite el oni-ne-scias-kia profundaĵo. Kial?
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That sentence, unrelated to the additional text, would impresses an as though emotional eruption arise unexpectedly from a {oni-ne-scias-kia} depth. Why?
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That sentence, unrelated to the remainder of the text, seems like an emotional eruption unexpectedly boiling up out of who knows what kind of depths. Why should this be?
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2. Defendmekanismoj
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2. Defense mechanisms
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2. Defence mechanisms
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Ĉe analizo, la eldiroj pri Esperanto aŭ pri la pli vasta kampo de lingva komunikado intemacia, kiaj oni facile ricevas ilin petante sian kunparolanton libere esprimi sin tiuteme, aŭ kiaj ili prezentiĝas en oficialaj kunsidoj dediĉitaj al tiu demando, riveliĝas karakterizitaj per la agado de la t.n. "defendmekanismoj". Oni tiel nomas taktikojn senkonscie organizitajn por evitigi al ni alfronti realaĵon supozeble minacan (Freud, Anna, 1937). Jen kelkaj ekzemploj:
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At an analysis, the statements discover about Esperanto or about the vaster field of a linguistic communication {intemacia}, what kind of one easily receive them asking for his interlocutor freely expressing themself {tiuteme}, or they what kind of are presented in official meetings devoted to that question, characterized with the action by the sc. "defense mechanisms". One calls thus tacticses unknowingly organized for making preventive facing to us a reality presumably threatening (Freud, Anna, 1937). There some examples:
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Analysed, the kind of statements about Esperanto or the wider field of international communication which can easily be obtained by inviting people to speak freely on the subject, or are put forward at official meetings devoted to this question, are found to be characterised by the action of the so-called "defence mechanisms". This is the name given to tactics unconsciously organised to avoid facing up to a reality felt to be threatening (Freud, Anna, 1937). Here are some examples:
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a) Neado.
Esperanto estas traktata kiel neekzistanta en kuntekstoj, kie estus logike ĝin konsideri. Ekzemple la libro Le Langage de la enciklopedia serio La Pléiade (Martinet, 1968), kiu, en 1525 paĝoj, pritraktas slangojn kaj piĝinojn same kiel tradukon kaj afazion, enhavas neniun priskribon, eĉ unuparagrafan, pri tiu miriga fenomeno: lingvo scipovata de nur unu persono antaŭ jarcento, sed hodiaŭ uzata en pli ol cent landoj. Simile, la sperto amasiĝinta pri Esperanto kiel konferenclingvo estas konsiderinda: en 1986 ne troviĝis unu tago, en kiu ne estis ie en la mondo kongreso, renkontiĝo, internacia kunveno, kies laborlingvo Esperanto estis (oni trovos liston en la n-ro de la 20-a de marto 1986 de Heroldo de Esperanto). Kiam UN, ekzemple, detale analizas la problemojn renkontatajn ĉe lingva komunikado, estus konsekvence konsideri tiun sperton, eĉ se nur por forĵeti ĝin, post ekzameno, pro eksplicitaj kialoj. Sed tiel ne okazas (King kaj ceteraj, 1977; Allen k.c, 1980; Piron, 1980).
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{a}) a Denial.
Esperanto is treaty like not existing in contexts, where regard logically it would be. For example the book Le Langage of the encyclopedic set The Pléiade (Martinet, 1968), which, in 1525 pages, treats slangs and {piĝinojn} equally like a translation and an aphasia, contains about that astonishing phenomenon no description, even {unuparagrafan},: a knowwed how from only one person before a century language, but today used in more than one hundred countrys. Similarly, the experience former massing about Esperanto like a conference language is considerable: in 1986 one day, in which there was not a convention somewhere in the world, was not located a meeting, international a meeting, whose working language Esperanto was (one will find a list in the number of on 20 March 1986 from a Herald of Esperanto). When UN, for example, analyses the troubles seen at a linguistic communication in detail, regard consistently that experience, even if only for throw away it, after an examination, because of explicit reasons. would be But thus does not happen (King and additional, 1977; Allen k. {c}, 1980; a Pear, 1980).
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a) Denial.
Esperanto is treated as non-existent in situations where it would be logical to take it into account. For example the volume Le Langage in the encyclopedic series La Pléiade (Martinet, 1968) which, in 1525 pages dealing with everything from slang and pidgin to translation and aphasia, contains no mention, not even a single paragraph, of the amazing phenomenon that a language known to only one person a hundred years ago is in use today in over a hundred countries. Similarly, the experience built up of Esperanto as a conference language is considerable; in 1986 there wasn't a single day during which there wasn't, somewhere in the world, a congress, a meeting or an international conference, at which Esperanto was the working language (a list appeared in Heroldo de Esperanto of 20th March 1986). When the UN, for example, is making a detailed analysis of the problems encountered in linguistic communication, it would be reasonable to consider this experience, if only to reject it, after examination, on explicit grounds. But this is not what happens. (King et al, 1977; Allen et al, 1980; Piron, 1980).
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Eĉ lingvisto konsideranta precize la tipon de komunikado ĉiutage efektivigatan de Esperanto aliras la demandon, kvazaŭ neniam tiu sperto estus travivita:
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A regarding linguist advances the type by a communication daily accomplished by Esperanto even exactly the question, as though that experience would never be experienced:
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Even a linguist considering precisely the kind of communication daily realised through Esperanto approaches the question as if that experience had never happened:
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While economists are exercised in creating a Eurodollar, why should we not try for a Eurolanguage too? (Lord, 1974, p.40).
[Dum ekonomiistoj okupiĝas pri la kreado de eŭrodolaro, kial ni ne provu ellabori ankaŭ eŭrolingvon?]
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While {economists} heavily {exercised} {in} {creating} {a} Eurodollar, {why} {should} {we} {not} {try} away {a} {Eurolanguage} {too}? (Lord, 1974, p. 40).
[ During {ekonomiistoj} is concerned about the creation of euro dollar, why we try elaborating also an euro language should not?]
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While economists are exercised in creating a Eurodollar, why should we not try for a Eurolanguage too? (Lord, 1974, p. 40).
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La unua reago de industriisto fronte al produktad-problemo estas konsideri ĉiujn solvojn aliloke aplikitajn, por eltrovi, antaŭ ol serĉi novan eliron, ĉu ne ekzistus ie sistemo, kiu kontentigus lin. Tiu farmaniero, tiel natura en la ĉiutaga vivo, praktike neniam alpreniĝas koncerne internacian komunikadon. Ni efektive troviĝas ĉi tie antaŭ neado de la realo, en la psikanaliza senco.
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The first industrialist's reaction is in front to a production trouble to regard every solutions elsewhere practiced, for invent, before than to search for a new Exodus, if a system, which would satisfy him does not exist somewhere. That action way, thus natural in the daily life, {alpreniĝas} practically never about a international communication. We are actually located here before a denial of the reality, in the psychoanalysis sense.
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An industrialist's first reaction when confronted by a production problem is to consider all the solutions applied elsewhere, in order to find out, before looking for a new way out, whether there isn't a system somewhere that would suit him. This way of going about things, so natural in daily life, is practically never adopted where international communication is concerned. We are in fact faced here with a denial of reality, in the psychological sense.
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b) Projekcio.
Oni nomas projekcio la fakton atribui al iu alia psikajn elementojn, kiuj troviĝas en ni, sed kiujn ni ne konscias. Bonan ekzemplon havigas la frazo:
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{b}) a Projection.
One calls a projection the fact attributing to some another psychic elements, which are located in us, but we do not realise which. The sentence supplies a good example:
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b) Projection.
The fact of attributing to someone else psychic elements to be found in ourselves is known as projection. A good example is provided by the sentence:
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Efforts to devise universal languages which could be adopted without prejudice and learned without trouble — languages like Esperanto — represent a noble intent combined with an essential ignorance of what language is and how it works. (Laird, 1957, p. 236).
[Strebadoj por elpensi universalajn lingvojn, kiujn eblus alpreni sen antaŭjuĝo kaj lerni senpene — lingvojn, kiel Esperanto — prezentas per si noblan intencon kunigitan al esenca nescio pri tio, kio estas lingvo kaj kiel ĝi funkcias.]
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Efforts {to} {devise} {universal} {languages} {which} {could} {be} {adopted} {without} {prejudice} {and} {learned} {without} {trouble} — {languages} leakyly Esperanto — {represent} {a} greatly {intent} {combined} {with} {an} {essential} {ignorance} {of} {what} {language} {is} {and} {how} {it} {works}. (Laird, 1957, p. 236).
[ Strivings for invent general languages, which would be possible to adopt without a prejudice and learning effortlessly — languages, like Esperanto — presents with himself noble a plan joined to an essential ignorance about it, what is a language and how it does work.]
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Efforts to devise universal languages which could be adopted without prejudice and learned without trouble - languages like Esperanto - represent a noble intent combined with an essential ignorance of what language is and how it works. (Laird, 1957, p. 236).
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Esperanto kontentigas ĉiujn kriteriojn lingvistike akceptitajn por difini lingvon (Martinet, 1967, p. 20). Ĉu aŭtoro, kiu, nenion kontrolinte, nek bazante sian opinion sur faktaj argumentoj, deiras de la principo, ke tio ne estas vera, ne estas la nescianto, kiun li facile vidas en la aliuloj? [Pri "how it works", vidu la artikolon de la itala lingvisto Alessandro Bausani (1961) "L'esperanto, una lingua che funziona"].
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Esperanto satisfies every rules linguistically taken for defining a language (Martinet, 1967, p. 20). Does an author, who, leave nothing former checking, nor basing his opinion on real arguments, from the principle, that it is not true, the not person who knows, which he sees easily in the anothers is not? [ About "{how} {it} {works}", see the the Italian linguist's {Alessandro} {Bausani} (1961) "The Esperanto, {una} {lingua} {che} {funziona}" article ].
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Esperanto satisfies all the criteria linguistically accepted for defining a language (Martinet, 1967, p. 20). When an author, without checking and without basing his opinion on factual arguments, starts from the principle that this is untrue, is he not the very ignoramus he facilely sees others as? [On "how it works", see the article "L'esperanto, una lingua che funziona" by the Italian linguist Alessandro Bausani (1981)].
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Ofte oni atribuas al Esperanto trajtojn, kiuj faras el ĝi ian monstran mutaciulon. Jen kiel usona lingvo-instruisto priskribas tian lingvon (mi citas nur la tradukon, ĉar la originalon mi nun ne disponas):
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One often attributes features, which do some kind of monstrous mutation person from it to Esperanto. There describes that kind of language (I quote only the translation, because I do not dispose the original now) like American a teacher of a language:
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Traits making it out to be some kind of monstrous mutation are frequently attributed to Esperanto. This is how an American language teacher describes such a language (the text is a translation of a translation, as the original is not to hand):
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Lingvo, kiel amo kaj animo, estas io homa kaj vivanta, kiom ajn malfacile estas ĝin difini: ĝi estas la natura produkto de la spirito de tuta raso, ne de homo sola... Artefaritaj lingvoj estas forpuŝaj kaj groteskaj, kiel homoj kun metala kruro aŭ brako, aŭ kun ritmo-regilo enkudrita enkore. D-ro Zamenhof, kiel d-ro Frankenstein, kreis monstron faritan el vivaj pecoj kaj eroj, kaj, kiel Mary Shelley provis diri al ni, nenio bona povas el ĝi rezulti. (Arbaiza, 1975, p. 183).
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A language, how a love and a soul, is something human and living, somehow many difficult define it is: it is the natural product of the spirit of a whole race, Artificial languages are not from a only ... man repellent and grotesque, how people with a metal leg or an arm, or with {enkudrita} a control of a rhythm to owns heart. {Doktro} Zamenhof, how {doktro} Frankenstein, created a monster done from living pieces and elements, and, like Mary Shelley tried saying us, good nothing can result from it. ({Arbaiza}, 1975, p. 183).
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A language, like love and the soul, is something that is human and alive, however difficult it is to define: it is a natural product of the spirit of an entire race, not of a single individual Artificial languages are repulsive and grotesque, like people with a metal arm or leg, or with a pacemaker attached to their heart. Dr Zamenhof, like Dr Frankenstein, created a monster out of living bits and pieces, and, as Mary Shelley tried to tell us, nothing good can come out of that. (Arbaiza, 1975, p. 183).
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Aŭ, sen pravigo, oni deklaras Esperanton
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One states Esperanto or, without a justification,
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Or, without justification, Esperanto is said to be
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oriente vers la suppression graduelle des traditions (Accontini, 1984, p. 5).
[orientita al la laŭgrada forigo de la tradicioj].
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east {vers} the {suppression} {graduelle} the {traditions} ({Accontini}, 1984, p. 5).
[ oriented to the gradual abolition by the traditions ].
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orienté vers la suppression graduelle des traditions (Accontini, 1984, p. 5).
(orientated towards a gradual suppression of traditions).
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En tiaj juĝoj agas nekonsciaj timoj aŭ fantaziaĵoj, kiuj estas projekciataj sur la lingvon: anstataŭ studi ĝin kiel realaĵon lingvan, literaturan, socian aŭ psikologian, oni rilatas al ĝi kiel al ia sonĝa rolulo animita de malicaj intencoj, sen percepti, kiom delira tia sinteno estas, laŭ la psikiatria signifo de la vorto.
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In that kind of judgements unconscious fears or fantasys, which are projected on the language act: instead of study it like a reality linguistic, literary, social or psychological, one concerns to it like to some kind of dream character animated by vicious plans, without find, how many delirious that kind of attitude is, according to the mental meaning of the word.
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Such judgements are activated by unconscious fears and imaginings which are projected on to the language: instead of being studied as a linguistic, literary, social or psychological reality, it is treated like some kind of dream figure motivated by malicious intentions, with no perception of how delirious, in the psychiatric meaning of the word, such an attitude is.
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c) Raciecigo.
Neraciaj starpunktoj defendiĝas per abundo da konvinkaj argumentoj. Alivorte, samkiel en la klasika paranoja parolmaniero, la intelekta ide-prezentado estas plej rigore logika. Nur la manko de reala bazo perfidas ĝian imagan esencon.
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{c}) {Raciecigo}.
Irrational attitudes get defensive with a plenty of convincing arguments. The intellectual {ide-prezentado} is In other words, {samkiel} in the classical paranoid speech, most strictly logical. The absence of a real base betraies its imaginary essence only.
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c) Rationalisation.
Irrational viewpoints are justified by means of abundant convincing arguments. In other words, as in the classic paranoid speech pattern, the intellectual arguments are strictly logical. Only the lack of a basis in reality betrays its essential fantasy.
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Ekzemple, oni atribuas al Esperanto hindeŭropan, fleksian analizan karakteron, kiun oni klarigas per la fakto, ke, laŭdire, Zamenhof scipovis nur hindeŭropajn lingvojn. Sed neniu el tiuj asertoj estas kontrolita. Fakte,
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For example, one attributes Indo-European, inflected analytical a nature, which one explains with the fact to Esperanto, that, allegedly, Zamenhof knowwed how only Indo-European languages. But no from those assertions is checked. Indeed,
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For example, to Esperanto is attributed an Indo-European inflected analytical character, which is explained by the fact that Zamenhof, so they say, only knew Indo-European languages. But none of these assertions was checked. In actual fact,
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* Gravan rangon, en la trajtoj de Esperanto, okupas ĝia multkultura subtavolo, en kiu la aziaj kaj hungaraj kontribuoj rolis ne malmulte (la literatura esperantlingva aktiveco, inter la du mondmilitoj, grandparte disvolviĝis en hungara medio, la t.n. budapeŝta skolo; la hungara ne estas hindeŭropa).
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* Its multicultural {subtavolo}, in which the Asian and Hungarian contributions submited not little (the literary {esperantlingva} activity, between the two world-wars, developed for the greater part in Hungarian an environment, the sc. a Budapest school; the Hungarian is not Indo-European) takes important a rate, in the features of Esperanto,.
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* An important place among Esperanto's traits is occupied by its multicultural substratum, in which the Asiatic and Hungarian contributions have played no small part (literary activity in the Esperanto language between the two world wars developed to a great extent in a Hungarian ambience, the so-called Budapest School; Hungarian is not Indo-European).
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* Zamenhof bone sciis nehindeŭropan lingvon: la hebrean, kaj lia kreaĵo estas per tiu stampita; ekzemple, la signifokampo [semantika kampo] de la morfemo ig havas ekzaktan ekvivalenton, inter la lingvoj, kiujn li scipovis, nur en la hebrea hif'il (Piron, 1984, p. 26).
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* Zamenhof knew a unIndo-European language well: Hebrew the, and his creature is with that marked; for example, the meaning field [ a semantic field ] has exact an equivalent, between the languages, which he knowwed how, only in the Hebrew {hif'} {il} (a Pear, 1984, p. 26). from the morpheme {ig}
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* Zamenhof knew a non-Indo-European language well: Hebrew, and his creation bears its stamp; for example, the semantic field of the morpheme _ig has an exact equivalent, among the languages he knew, only in the Hebrew hif'il (Piron, 1984, p. 26).
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* Esperanto procedas aglutine, ne fleksie. La eldiroj en ĝi povas esti same sintezaj kiel analizaj - oni povas diri same bone mi biciklos urben kiel mi iros al la urbo per biciklo; teksta esplorado rivelas, ke sintezaj formoj estas tre oftaj - kaj se estas vere, ke, fonetike kaj vorttrezore, ĝi estas hindeŭropa, ĝi tia tute certe ne estas strukture: neniu hindeŭropa lingvo konsistas kiel ĝi el rigore neŝanĝeblaj morfemoj.
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* Esperanto proceeds agglutinatively, not inflectedly. The statements can in it be equally synthetic like analytical - one will can say equally well I bicycle {urben} like I go to the city with a bicycle will; a text research reveals, that synthetic forms are very frequent - and if is indeed, that, phonetically and {vorttrezore}, it is Indo-European, it is not that quite certainly structurally: no Indo-European language consists like it from strictly unchangeable morphemes.
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* Esperanto acts agglutinatively, not inflectionally. Statements in it can as easily be synthetic as analytic - it is just as acceptable to say mi biciklos urben as mi iros al la urbo per biciklo; textual research shows that synthetic forms are very frequent - and if it is true that phonetically and lexically it is Indo-European, it assuredly is not so structurally: no Indo-European language consists, as it does, of strictly unalterable morphemes.
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d) Izolado.
Izolado oni nomas la fakton disigi ion disde ĝia kunteksto kaj juĝi senreference. Kiam aŭtoro diras, pri lingvoj:
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{d}) a Isolation.
A isolation calls one the fact scattering something out of its context and judge without a reference. When does an author, about languages: say
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d) Isolation.
Isolation is the name given to the act of separating something from its context and making unrelated judgements about it. When someone says, of languages:
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Il arrive aussi qu'il en naisse, mais jamais du néant: 1'esperanto est un echec (Malherbe, 1983, p. 368).
[Ankaŭ okazas, ke lingvoj naskiĝas, sed neniam el neniaĵo: Esperanto fiaskis].
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Il {arrive} {aussi} {qu'} {il} in {naisse}, {mais} {jamais} two {néant}: 1' Esperanto {est} {un} {echec} ({Malherbe}, 1983, p. 368).
[ Also happens, that languages are born, but never from a nothing: Esperanto failed ].
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Il arrive aussi qu'il en naisse, mais jamais du néant: l'espéranto est un échec (Malherbe, 1983, p. 368).
(It happens, too, that languages are born, but never out of nothing: Esperanto is a fiasco,
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li izolas la internacian lingvon disde ties kunteksto, historia same kiel lingva. Fakte, Esperanto situas en longa serio da provoj kaj pripensoj etendiĝantaj sur pluraj jarcentoj. En la zamenhofa laboro, ĝi havas malrapidan genezon, kiu multrilate similas lingvoevoluon, kiel embria genezo elvokas specian; tiu laŭgrada estiĝo studindas (Waringhien, 1959, p. 19-49). Aliflanke, la morfemoj, kiuj konsistigas ĝin, radikas en aliaj lingvoj; ili ne estas elementoj "tiritaj el neniaĵo".
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he isolates the international language out of whose context, historical equally like linguistic. Indeed, Esperanto is situated in long a set of attempts and meditationses runing on plura centurys. In the Zamenhof work, it has slow a genesis, which resembles {multrilate} a linguistic evolutio, how an embryonic genesis evokes species; that gradual formation deservings studying (Waringhien, 1959, p. 19-49). On the other hand, the morphemes, which constitute it, root in another languages; they are not elements "drawn from a nothing".
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he is isolating the international language from its context, historical as well as linguistic. In fact, Esperanto's place is in a long chain of experiments and meditations extending over several centuries. In Zamenhof's work its genesis was gradual, in many respects similar to linguistic evolution, just as the genesis of an embryo evokes that of the species; its gradual development is worth studying (Waringhien, 1959, pp. 19-49). On the other hand, the morphemes of which it consists have their roots in other languages; they are not elements "created out of nothing".
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Esperanto ne pli naskiĝis el neniaĵo ol, ekzemple, la haitia kreola. Lingvo aperas, kiam ĝi respondas al bezono. En la Kariba Insularo, ekzistis ĉe sklavoj divers-etnaj kun lingvoj reciproke nekompreneblaj bezono interkomuniki; el tiu bezono naskiĝis bunt-origina lingvo grandparte bazita sur la lingvaĵo de la blankuloj aĉetintaj ilin, sed strukture tute alispeca. Simile, en la jaroj 1880-1910, parto de la mondloĝantaro sopiris al eksteraj kontaktoj kaj soifis je vastiĝo de 1' kultura horizonto, sed trovis lingvo-lernadon neebla en siaj vivcirkonstancoj. Tiuj personoj kaptis la projekton de Zamenhof, kaj uzante ĝin, transformis ĝin en lingvon vivplenan. Nek la kreola nek Esperanto naskiĝis el neniaĵo; ilin naskis sama soci-psikologia forto: la emo dialogi.
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Esperanto was not more born from a nothing than, for example, the Haiti creole. A language appears, when it answers a want. In the {Kariba} Archipelago, a want {interkomuniki} existed at {divers-etnaj} slaves with mutually unintelligible languages; {bunt-origina} a language for the greater part based on the language by the white mans former buying them was from that want born, but structurally quite another kind of. A part of the {mondloĝantaro} yearned similarly, in the years 1880-1910, to outside contacts and a cultural horizon thirsted about an extension of 1', but impossible found a learning of a language in his life circumstances. Those persons caught the plan of Zamenhof, and using it, transformed it into a {vivplenan} language. The creole was neither nor Esperanto born from a nothing; a same {soci-psikologia} force beared them: the desire converse.
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Esperanto was no more born out of nothing than was the Creole of Haiti. A language appears in response to a need. Among the slaves of various races in the Caribbean whose languages were reciprocally incomprehensible, there was a need to communicate with each other; out of this need was born a colourful language based largely on that of their white owners but structurally quite different. In the same way, between 1880 and 1910 a part of the world's population was longing to make contacts abroad and thirsted after a widening of cultural horizons, but found language learning impossible in their circumstances. These people seized on Zamenhof's project, and by using it transformed it into a fully living language. Neither Creole nor Esperanto was born from nothing; they were born of the same socio-psychological force: the desire to converse.
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Ni nun konsideru jenan tekston:
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We should regard a following text now:
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Now let us look at the following text:
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Allez prendre un oiseau, un cygne de notre lac par exemple, déplumez-le complètement, arrachez-lui les yeux, substituez à son bec plat celui du vautour ou de 1'aigle, greffez sur les moignons de ses pattes les échasses d'une cigogne, mettez dans ses orbites la prunelle du hibou (...); ensuite, inscrivez sur vos bannières, répandez et criez ces mots: "Ceci est l'oiseau universel", et vous vous ferez une petite idée de la sensation de glacement qu'a produit sur nous cette terrifiante boucherie, cette vivisection nauséabonde, qu'on n'a cessé de nous prôner sous le nom d'espéranto ou langue universelle. (Cingria, pp.1-2).
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Allez {oiseau} {prendre} {un}, {un} {cygne} from {notre} {lac} {par} {exemple}, {déplumez-le} {complètement}, {arrachez-lui} {les} {yeux}, {substituez} {ou} a himself {à} {celui} {bec} {plat} two {vautour} from 1' {aigle}, {greffez} on {les} {moignons} from six {pattes} {les} {échasses} {d'} {une} {cigogne}, {mettez} {hibou} {dans} six {orbites} the {prunelle} two (...); {ensuite}, {inscrivez} will you on {bannières}, {répandez} {et} {criez} {ces} {mots}: "{Ceci} {est} the {oiseau} {universel}", {et} {vous} the {sensation} {vous} {ferez} {une} asking {idée} from from {glacement} {qu'} {a} {produit} on {nous} {cette} {terrifiante} {boucherie}, {cette} {vivisection} {nauséabonde}, {qu'} {nous} {on} {n'} {a} {cessé} from {prôner} {sous} thely {nom} {d'} {espéranto} {ou} {langue} {universelle}. ({Cingria}, {pp}. 1-2).
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Allez prendre un oiseau, un cygne de notre lac par exemple, déplumez-le complètement, arrachez-lui les yeux, substituez à son bec plat celui du vautour ou de l'aigle, greffez sur les moignons de ses pattes les échasses d'une cigogne, mettez dans ses orbites la prunelle du hibou (...); ensuite, inscrivez sur vos bannières, répandez et criez ces mots: "Ceci est l'oiseau universel", et vous vous ferez une petite idée de la sensation de glacement qu'a produit sur nous cette terri-fiante boucherie, cette vivisection nauséabonde, qu'on n'a cessé de nous prôner sous le nom d'espéranto ou langue universelle. (Cingria, pp. 1-2).
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[Ekkaptu birdon, cignon nialagan, ekzemple, komplete senplumigu ĝin, forŝiru de ĝi la okulojn, anstataŭ ĝia plata beko metu vulturan aŭ aglan, greftu al ĝiaj piedostumpoj cikoniajn irilojn, ŝovu en la orbitojn la pupilon de otuso (...); nun surskribu sur viaj standardoj, disvastigu kaj kriu frazon jene: "Jen estas la universala birdo", kaj vi ricevos etan ideon pri la frostiĝa sento, kiun estigis en ni tiu terura buĉado, tiu vivosekcado plej naŭza, kiun oni ne ĉesis advokati al ni kun la nomo Esperanto aŭ lingvo universala.]
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[ Grasp a bird, a {nialagan} swan, for example, pluck it through, wrest the eyes from it, place instead of its flat bill vulture or eagle, graft stork {irilojn} to its foot stumps, shove the pupil of {otuso} (...) into the fields; write upon now on your standards, spread and shout a sentence thus: "the general bird is There", and you will receive tiny a idea about the {frostiĝa} feeling, which that terrible slaughtering, that most abominable, which one did not stop advancing to us with the name Esperanto or a language general vivisection. developed in us]
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[Take a bird, perhaps one of our lake swans, pluck it completely, gouge out its eyes, replace its flat beak with a vulture's or an eagle's, graft on to its leg-stumps the feet of a stork, stuff an owl's eyeballs into the sockets (...); now indite your banners, propagate and shout the following words: "Behold the universal bird", and you will get a slight idea of the icy feeling created in us by that terrible butchery, that most sickening vivisection, increasingly offered to us under the name of Esperanto or universal language.]
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Se oni preterlasas la bildan (kaj birdan!) aspekton de tiu citaĵo kaj la vortojn, kiuj evidentigas la amplekson de la emocia reago ("terura buĉado", "vivosekcado plej naŭza"), kritikoj restas du:
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If one omits the picture (and bird!) appearance of that quotation and the words, which manifest the extent of the emotional reaction ( "a terrible slaughtering", "a vivisection most abominable"), criticisms stay two:
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Setting aside the picturesque (and ornithological) aspect of that quotation, and the words which reveal the extent of emotional reaction ("terrible butchery", "most sickening vivisection"), only two criticisms remain:
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a) Esperanto rezultas el homa interveno en ion vivantan;
b) ĝi estas heterogena lingvo.
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Esperanto results {a}) from a human intervention into living something; it is {b}) a heterogeneous language.
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a) Esperanto results from human intervention in something living;
b) it is a heterogeneous language.
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La konkludo de la citita aŭtoro estus racia nur trikondiĉe:
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The quoted author's conclusion would be rational only {trikondiĉe}:
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The above author's conclusion is rational only on three conditions:
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* se lingvo estus viva estaĵo, simile al besto.
* se homa interveno en ion vivantan estus ĉiufoje aĉ-efika.
* se heterogena lingvo ne taŭgus por interkomuniki.
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* if a language would be living a being, similarly to an animal.
* if a human intervention would be into living something each time {aĉ-efika}.
* if a heterogeneous language does not fit for {interkomuniki}.
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* that language is a living being, like an animal.
* that human intervention in something living is invariably deleterious.
* that a heterogeneous language is unsuitable for communication.
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Hipnotigata de sia premsonĝa vidaĵo, la aŭtoro izolas sian bildon de la ĉi-supraj konsideroj. Li ne vidas, ke asimili lingvon al io vivanta, estas nur metaforo, kiun oni ne tro streĉu. La koncerna birdo terure suferus, sed kiam la nederlandan ortografion oni reformis en la 40-aj jaroj, la lingvo ne kriis, nek necesis anestezo.
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Hypnotised by his nightmarish vision, the author isolates his picture of the {ĉi-supraj} considerations. He does not see, that assimilate a language to something living, there is only a metaphor, which one should not stretch too. The concerned bird would bear terribly, one reformed the Dutch orthography but when in the 40 years, the language did not shout, nor an anesthesia was needed.
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Mesmerised by his nightmarish vision, the author isolates his vision from such considerations. He fails to see that likening a language to a living entity is no more than a metaphor that mustn't be taken too far. The bird he mentions would have suffered, terribly, but when Dutch spelling was reformed in the forties the language didn't cry out or need an anaesthetic.
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Due, homo ofte intervenas en vivaĵojn kun plej bonaj rezultoj. Malsato estus multe pli drama en Hindio, se oni ne estus sukcesinta, dank' al tute konscia interveno de homo en naturon, produkti novajn grenspecojn. Kaj nek hundoj, nek rozoj, nek pano ekzistus, se homo ne estus vole aplikinta siajn talentojn al estaĵoj vivantaj.
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Secondly, a man often intervenes into living beings with best results. Hunger would be a lot more dramatic in India, if one would succeed, thanks to to quite aware man's intervention into a nature, bearing new grain kinds. And dogs, nor roses, would exist nor nor a bread, if a man would practice his talents readily to living beings.
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Secondly, man often intervenes in living things with excellent results. Famine would be much more dramatic in India if new types of grain had not been successfully produced thanks to man's wholly conscious intervention in nature. And neither dogs nor roses nor bread would exist if man had not intentionally applied his talents to living things.
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Trie, se heterogeneco estus kondamna, la angla ne povus utili kontentige. Lingva analizo ja rivelas ĝin pli heterogena ol Esperanto:
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Thirdly, if heterogeneity would be damning, the English would be not able to avail satisfactorily. A linguistic analysis reveals it rather more heterogeneous than Esperanto:
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Thirdly, if heterogeneity were damning, English could not function satisfactorily. Linguistic analysis shows it to be more heterogeneous than Esperanto:
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When we come to a language like English, we find ourselves dealing with several languages rolled into one. (Lord, 1974, p.73).
[Kiam ni alvenas al lingvo kiel la angla, ni troviĝas antaŭ pluraj lingvoj kunrulitaj al unu.]
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When {we} {come} {to} {a} {language} leakyly English, {we} {find} {ourselves} {dealing} {with} {several} {languages} {rolled} {into} {one}. (Lord, 1974, p. 73).
[ we get When to a language like the English, we are located before plura languages {kunrulitaj} to an one.]
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When we come to a language like English, we find ourselves dealing with several languages rolled into one. (Lord, 1974, p. 73).
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Esperanto estas pli homogena, ĉar la leĝoj, kiuj regas la asimiladon de la elementoj ĉerpitaj el ekstere, estas pli rigoraj. Kio difinas la heterogenecon de io kunmetita, tio estas, ne la diversa origino de la eroj, sed ia misharmonio plus la manko de asimilanta nukleo (kiel scias ĉiu, kiu provis fari... majonezon).
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Esperanto is more more heterogeneous, because the laws, which rule the assimilation by the elements drawn from out, are more rigorous. What does define the heterogeneity of something putted together, it is, no the various origin of the elements, but some kind of lack of harmony plus the absence of assimilating a nucleus (like knows everyone, who tried do ... a mayonnaise).
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Esperanto is more homogeneous because its laws governing the elements absorbed from other sources are stricter. What defines the heterogeneity of something assembled is not the diversity of origin of the ingredients, but some lack of harmony together with the lack of an assimilating nucleus (as everyone knows who has tried to prepare mayonnaise).
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3. Subkuŝanta angoro
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3. A underlying fear
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3. Underlying anxiety
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La funkcio de la defendmekanismoj estas protekti la egoon kontraŭ angoro. Ilia apero, tuj kiam Esperanto estas menciata, signifas, ke profunde en la psiko tiu lingvo sentiĝas kiel angoriga.
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The function of the defense mechanisms is to protect the ego against a fear. Appearance their, immediately Esperanto is when mentioned, means, that that language gets deeply in the mind sensual like horrible.
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The function of the defence mechanisms is to protect the ego from anxiety. Their appearance whenever Esperanto is mentioned means that deep in the psyche the language is felt to be threatening.
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a) Timo pri ŝanĝo en la situacio.
Kelkrilate, la psikologia rezisto kontraŭ Esperanto kompareblas kun la kontraŭstaro, kiun renkontis la ideoj de Kristoforo Kolombo kaj de Galileo: stabila, bone ordigita mondo troviĝis renversita pro tiuj novaj teorioj, kiuj perdigis al la homaro ties plurjarmilan, fortikan fundamenton. Simile, Esperanto aperas kiel ĝenanta en mondo, kie al ĉiu popolo respondas lingvo, kaj kie la komunikilo estas transdonita de la prapatroj kiel bloko, kiun neniu unuopulo rajtas atenci. Ĝi demonstras, ke lingvo ne estas necese donaco el la pasintaj jarcentoj, sed povas rezulti el simpla konvencio. Uzante kiel kriterion pri korekteco, ne konformecon al aŭtoritato, sed efikecon en komunikado, ĝi transformas la manieron interrilati: kie estis vertikala akso, jen tien ĝi metas akson horizontalan. Ĝi tiel atakas multajn profundajn aferojn, al kiuj oni ĝenerale ne inklinas ĵeti lumon. Ekzemple, kio fariĝas, ĉe ĝi, el la lingvohierarkio? La gaela [irlanda], la nederlanda, la franca kaj la angla ne situas samnivele en la mensoj, nek en multaj instituciaj tekstoj. Se, por komuniki inter si, malsamlingvuloj alprenos Esperanton, tiu hierarkio perdos sian fundamenton.
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{a}) a Fear about a change in the situation.
{Kelkrilate}, the psychological resistance is against Esperanto possible to compare with the resistance, which the ideas of Kristoforo saw a Dove and from a Gall ileum: a stable, well arranged world was located turned because of those new theorys, which wasted whose {plurjarmilan}, firm element to the mankind. Similarly, Esperanto appears like troubling in a world, where a language answers every people, and the means of communication is where handed by the forefathers like a block, which no individual has the right to assault. It proves, that a language is not necessarily a present from the last centurys, but can result from a simple convention. Using like a rule about correctness, not conformity to an authority, but effectiveness in a communication, it transforms the way relate: where there was a vertical axis, it places an level axis there there. It attacks many deep things, to which one does not incline generally throwing a light thus. For example, what becomes, at it, from the language hierarchy? {gaela} [ Irish ] the, the Dutch, the French and the English is not situated {samnivele} in the minds, nor in many official lyrics. If, for report between himself, {malsamlingvuloj} will adopt Esperanto, that hierarchy will lose his element.
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a) Avoiding change in the status quo.
In some respects psychological resistance to Esperanto can be compared with the opposition encountered by the ideas of Christopher Columbus and Galileo: a stable, well-ordered world found itself overturned by the new theories, which deprived humanity of its millennially firm foundation. In the same way, Esperanto is seen as troublesome in a world where every people has its own language, and where this tool is passed on en masse from one's ancestors and no individual is entitled to violate it. It demonstrates that a language is not necessarily the gift of past centuries, but may result from simple convention. Taking as its criterion of correctness not conformity with authority, but effectiveness of communication, it changes the way of interrelating: where previously there was a vertical axis, it replaces it with a horizontal axis. Thus it attacks many profound matters on which light is not accustomed to be thrown. For example, what happens to the language hierarchy because of it? Irish Gaelic, Dutch, French and English are not seen as equal in people's minds or in many official texts. If people of different languages used Esperanto to communicate with one another, this hierarchy would lose its basis.
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b) Lingvo kiel sankta valoro kaj identec-simbolo.
Lingvo ne estas nur socia, ekstera fenomeno. Ĝi estas teksita en nia personeco. "Mi suĉis la katalunan kun la lakto patrina", diris persono pridemandita kadre de la esploro, sur kiu ĉi tiu analizo baziĝas.
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{b}) a Language like a holy worth and a identity symbol.
A language is not an only social, outside phenomenon. It is weaved in our personality. "I sucked the Catalan with the maternal milk", a interrogated person said in the framework of of the research, on which this analysis is based.
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b) Language as a cared value and a sign of identity.
A language is not just an external social phenomenon. It is woven into our personality. "I absorbed Catalan with my mother's milk", said one person questioned in the course of the research on which this analysis is based.
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Niaj konceptoj havas emocian etoson, kiun lingvistiko preteratentas, sed kiu gravegas por la konduto. La senta nukleo de la koncepto "lingvo" situas en la rilatado kun la patrino, pro kio, verŝajne, multaj gepatraj lingvoj nomas "patrina" la familian lingvon. Inter la bebo, kiu povas nur plorĝemi por esprimi sian suferon, ofte ricevante neadaptitajn aŭ senhelpulajn reagojn, kaj etulo trijara, kiu per vortoj klarigas, kio ĵus okazis, grandega ŝanĝo fariĝis, kiun la infano sentas mirakla.
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Our ideas have emotional an atmosphere, which a linguistics overlooks, but which critical is for the conduct. The sensual nucleus of the idea "a language" is situated in the {rilatado} with the mother, because of what, probably, many parental languages call the domestic language "maternal". Between the baby, who can sob only for express his suffering, often receiving not fitted or without an auxiliary reactions, and a {trijara}, which explains with words, what happened just now, tot became a huge change, which the child miraculous feels.
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Our concepts carry an emotional charge which linguistics ignores but which is vital to our conduct. The sentimental nucleus of the concept "language" is sited in the relationship with the mother, which is presumably why many ethnic tongues speak of the family language as the "mother" tongue. Between the baby who can only express its unhappiness by crying, and often gets an unsuitable or unhelpful response, and the three-year-old infant who uses words to explain what has happened, an enormous change has taken place, which to the infant seems miraculous.
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Ni estis tro junaj, kiam ni lernis paroli, por konscii, ke disvolviĝas nur plej banala lernprocezo. Ni vidis en tio kvazaŭ magian donacon, ludilon diecan. Antaŭe, ni ne kapablis klarigi ion ajn, kaj jen, nekompreninte kial, ni retrovas nin havantaj talismanon, kiu plenumas ĉiajn miraklojn kaj riĉigas ĝis senprecedenca grado tion, sen kio vivi ne eblus: interhoman rilatadon.
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We ware too young, when we learned speaking, for realise, that an only most commonplace learning process develops. We saw as though magical a present, a divinity toy. in it Ahead, we ware not able to explaining somewhat, and there, we find former not understanding why, us having a talisman, which keeps every kind of miracles and enrichs till a unprecedented degree it, to live without what it would be not possible: interhuman {rilatadon}.
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We were too young when we learned to talk to be aware that it was just an everyday learning process that was taking place. It seemed to us a kind of magical gift, a divine toy. Previously we couldn't explain anything, and here, we know not why, we find ourselves in possession of a talisman that fulfils all kinds of miracles and enriches to an unprecedented extent the thing without which life would be impossible: personal relationships.
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La bezono senti sin komprenata estas unu el la plej bazaj bezonoj de infano. Nu, sen lingvo, kio restus el ĝi? La sinteno de la gepatroj, kaj post ĝi la longa influo de lernejo, kiu prezentas lingvon kiel neatencindan normon kaj kiel la ŝlosilon de ĉiuj literaturaj belaĵoj, nur fortigas tiun sentonukleon. En tia kunteksto, aserti, ke lingvo "fabrikita" de kvazaŭ-samtempulo — oni ĝenerale konfuzas Esperanton kun la projekto de Zamenhof — povas funkcii same bone kiel la gepatra lingvo, tio estas insulti ĉi-lastan, tio estas forrabi de ĝi ĝian statuson de magia talismano, kiun ĝi ĉiam konservis en nia psika profundo, eĉ se sur konscia nivelo ni konceptas ĝin pli racie. Tio estas netolerebla sakrilegio. Verŝajne por eviti tian malsanktigon iuj Esperanto-parolantoj, laŭ psikologia movo finfine plej komprenebla, diras, ke la zamenhofa laboro ne estas klarigebla per si mem kaj devas esti atribuita al inspiro de altaj spiritaj sferoj, superhomaj.
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The want feel itself understood is an one from the basicest wants child's. Now, without a language, what would stay from it? Parents's attitude the, and after it the long influence of a school, which presents a language like a {neatencindan} standard and like the key of every literary beautiful sights, only fortifies that feeling nucleus. In that kind of context, state, that a language "manufactured" can from a seeming contemporary — one puzzles Esperanto with the plan of Zamenhof generally — work equally well like the parental language, it is to insult a latter, it is to abduct from it its status of magical a talisman, which it always kept in our psychic depth, even if we conceive it on an aware level more rationally. It is a intolerable sacrilege. Some speakers of Esperanto, according to a psychological movement at long last most understandable, say probably for avoiding that kind of defile, that the Zamenhof work is not explainable with himself and must be attributed to a inspiration by high spiritual balls, superhuman.
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The need to feel understood is one of a child's basic requirements. Well, without language what would remain? Parental attitudes, followed by the lengthy influence of the school, which presents the language as something unassailable and the key to all literary treasures, only strengthens the sentimental nucleus. To assert in this context that a language "made up" by someone seen as a contemporary - Esperanto is generally confused with Zamenhof's project - can function as well as one's native tongue is an insult to the latter, is to take away the status as a magical talisman that it always retains in the depths of the psyche even if at a conscious level we look on it more rationally. It is an intolerable sacrilege. It's presumably to avoid such desecration that some Esperanto speakers, by a quite understandable psychological transference, say that Zamenhof's work is by itself inexplicable and is to be attributed to inspiration from on high, superhuman.
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Fakte, kiam oni esploras la psikologiajn reagojn, kiujn elvokas la vorto "Esperanto", oni povas nur miri pri la nombro da personoj, kiuj ne elportas la ideon, ke tiu lingvo povas esti, kelkrilate, supera al ilia gepatra lingvo. Tiu reago devenas de emo identigi lingvon al persono: mia lingvo estas mia popolo, mia lingvo estas mi; se mia lingvo estas malsupera, mia popolo estas malsupera, kaj mi estas malsupera. Deklarante Esperanton apriore senvalora, kaj eldirante tiun juĝon kiel ion evidentan, oni saviĝas. Oni uzis artifikon plejplej homan, perfekte kompreneblan, sed ne allaseblan el scienca vidpunkto.
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Indeed, when one examines the psychological reactions, which the word "Esperanto" evokes, one can wonder only about the number of persons, which bear the idea do not, that that language can be, {kelkrilate}, to their parental language superior. That reaction comes from a desire identify a language to a person: my language is my people, my language is I; if my language is inferior, my people is inferior, and I am inferior. Stating Esperanto a priorily worthless, and stating that judgement like evident something, one is saved. One used a subterfuge {plejplej} human, perfectly understandable, but not admissible from a scientific viewpoint.
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In fact, when the psychological reactions evoked by the word "Esperanto" are examined, one can only be amazed at the number of people unable to tolerate the idea that this language could be, in some respects, better than their native tongue. This reaction comes from a tendency to equate a language with the person: my language is my people, my language is me; if my language is inferior my people is inferior, and I am inferior. By declaring Esperanto a priori worthless, and pronouncing this judgement as self-evident, one is saved. This artifice is profoundly human and perfectly understandable, but not acceptable from a scientific point of view.
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c) Diversaj timoj.
Esplori la reagojn al Esperanto per la metodo de klinika interparolo evidentigas ĉiaspecajn subkuŝantajn timojn, kiujn ne eblus pritrakti detale. Mi simple citu sep:
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{c}) Various fears.
Examining the reactions to Esperanto with the method of a clinical conversation manifests all kinds of underlying fears, which possible would be not to treat in detail. I should quote simply seven:
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c) Various fears.
When reactions to Esperanto are examined by means of clinical discourse, all kinds of underlying fears are revealed, which cannot be discussed in detail. I shall simply limit myself to seven:
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I. Timo riski.
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I. a Fear risk.
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I. Fear of risk.
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Ĉar neniu oficiala instanco, neniu prestiĝa institucio aljuĝas al Esperanto valoron, deklari sin favora al ĝi signifas alpreni starpunkton distancan de tiu, kiu aperas kvazaŭ oficiala. Estas malpli riske ripetadi tion, kion ĉiuj diras kaj kio ŝajnas kongrui kun la sinteno de la altranguloj aŭ de la intelekta elito.
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Because no official court, no prestigious institution confers a worth to Esperanto, stating itself to it favourable means adopting an distance attitude from this, who appears as though official. {ripetadi} less daring it, what everyone say and what seems coinciding with the attitude from the officials or of the intellectual elite is.
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Since no official body, no prestigious institution, has acknowleged Esperanto's value, to come out in favour of it is to adopt a stance that is distanced from the one which appears to be official. It's less risky to regurgitate what everyone else says, which seems to be in line with the attitude of those in authority and the intellectual elite.
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II. Timo pri rekta kontakto.
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II. A fear about a straight contact.
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II. Fear of direct contacts.
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Estas io sekuriga en la fakto interkompreniĝi pere de tradukado aŭ de lingvo tro malperfekte regata por ebligi interŝanĝi ideojn rekte, detale kaj nuance. Renkonti, ĉe kondiĉoj de perfekta komunika glateco, pensmanierojn radike malsamajn ol la niaj povas esti ŝoka, danĝere konfuziga sperto. Estas prave tion timi, ĉar Esperanto situas niamense sur nivelo pli proksima al tiu de spontana vortigo ol la ceteraj lingvoj. Juna japano, kiu ĉirkaŭvojaĝis la mondon renkontante ĉiuetape lokajn esperantoparolantojn, rakontis, kiom ŝokis lin tiuj rektaj dialogoj kun personoj, kiuj, nur ĉar ili estas si mem, kaj tion esprimas, ŝanĝas la tutan perspektivon de la mondkoncepto (Kiotaro Deguti, 1973).
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Something security is to communicate in the fact to mean byly of a translation or by a language too imperfectly ruled for swap ideas directly, in detail and {nuance}. See, at termses of perfect communication fluidity, ways of thinking innately different can than the our be a shocking, dangerously {konfuziga} experience. Fear legitimately it is, because Esperanto is situated {niamense} on a nexter level to this of a spontaneous wording than the additional languages. Young Japanese, who {ĉirkaŭvojaĝis} the world seing {ĉiuetape} local speakers of Esperanto, told, how many those straight dialogues with persons, which shocked him, only because they are himself, and expresses it, turns the whole perspective of the world view (Which weight Drain, 1973).
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There is something reassuring about communicating by means of translation or a language too imperfectly understood to enable a direct exchange of ideas in detail and with subtlety. Meeting, in conditions of perfectly untrammelled communication, with attitudes radically different from our own, can be a shocking and dangerously confusing experience. This fear is justified, because Esperanto exists in our midst at a level closer to spontaneous expression than other languages. A young Japanese who went round the world meeting at every stage local Esperanto speakers tells us how shocked he was by these straight dialogues with people who, just because they were being themselves and were able to say so, altered the ethnic perspective of the world-view (Deguti, 1973).
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III. Timo pri infaneca retroiro.
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III. A fear about a childish recede.
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III. Fear of infantile regression.
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"Simpla" konfuziĝas kun "tro simpla" aŭ kun "infaneca", kio naskas la ideon, ke Esperanto ne povas utili por esprimi vere plenkreskulan pensadon ĉe alta abstrakt-nivelo. Oni tiel izolas la faktoron "simpleco" disde ĝia komplemento — kiu tute modifas la situacion — nome la senlima kombinpovo. Ekzemple, la a-finaĵo, kiu markas adjektivon Esperante, estas pli simpla ol la multaj francaj sufiksoj, kiuj samrolas, sed ĝi ofte ebligas ĝuste esprimi sin, ĉar ĝi aliĝas al iu ajn morfemo, dum multaj francaj substantivoj ne havas sian adjektivon, kiel insécurité (angle insecure, Esperante nesekura), fait (angle factual, Esperante fakta), Etats-Unis (hispane estadounidense, Esperante usona, kiun Esperanto distingas disde amerika kaj nordamerika), aŭ pays (apud nacia, "de la nacio", Esperanto havas landa, "de la lando"), kaj tiel plu.
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"Simple" confuses with "too simple" or with "childish", what bears the idea, that Esperanto can not avail for express a indeed adult thinking at high an abstract level. One isolates the factor "simplicity" thus out of its adjunct — quite which modifies the situation — namely the absolute combination ability. For example, the {a-finaĵo}, which marks an adjective Esperantoly, is more simple than the many French extensions, which {samrolas}, but it often means just expressing itself, because it joins to somewhich morpheme, during many French nouns do not have his adjective, how {insécurité} (in English {insecure}, Esperantoly insecure), {fait} (in English {factual}, Esperantoly real), (in Spanish {estadounidense}, Esperantoly American, which Esperanto distinguishs out of american and North American), or {pays} (Esperanto has near to national, "from the nation", country, "from the country") {Etats-Unis}, and thus on.
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"Simple" is confused with "over-simple" or "childish", which gives rise to the notion that Esperanto cannot be used to express really adult thoughts at the highest level of abstraction. Thus the factor of "simplicity" is isolated from its complement - which totally modifies the situation - i.e. unlimited possibilities of combination. For example, the ending _a, which signifies an adjective in Esperanto, is much simpler than the many French suffixes fulfilling the same role, but it frequently makes exact expression possible, whereas many French nouns do not have an adjectival form, e.g. insécurité (English insecure, Esperanto nesekura), fait (English factual, Esperanto fakta), Etats-Unis (Spanish estadounidense, Esperanto usona, which Esperanto differentiates from amerika kaj nordamerika), or pays (besides nacia, "of the nation", Esperanto has landa, "of the country"), and so on.
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IV. Timo pri travidebleco.
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IV. A fear about {travidebleco}.
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IV. Fear of transparency.
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Oni imagas, ke Esperanto metos en penson netolereblan klarecon:
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One imagines, that Esperanto will place intolerable clarity into a thought:
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It is imagined that Esperanto would endow thought with an intolerable clarity:
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L'élément affectif si important dans le langage trouve difficilement sa place dans cette langue claire où tout est explicite, cette langue "plus precise que la pensée". (Bumey, 1966, p. 94).
[La afekcia aspekto, tiel grava en lingvo, malfacile trovas lokon en tiu klara lingvo, en kiu ĉio estas eksplicita, tiu lingvo "pli preciza ol pensado".]
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The {élément} {affectif} himself {important} {dans} thely {langage} {trouve} {difficilement} {sa} {place} {dans} {cette} {langue} {claire} {où} {tout} {est} {explicite}, {cette} {langue} "plus {precise} {que} the {pensée}". (Bumey, 1966, p. 94).
[ The affective appearance, thus important in a language, finds a place difficult in that clear language, in which everything is explicit, this a language "more accurate than a thinking".]
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L'élément affectif si important dans le langage trouve difficilement sa place dans cette langue où tout est explicite, cette langue "plus précise que la pensée". (Burney, 1966, p. 94).
(It is difficult to see a place for the affective aspect, so important in language, in that clear language in which everything is explicit, that language "more exact than thought".)
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Fakte, eblas same malprecizi en Esperanto kiel en iu ajn alia lingvo, eĉ se, ofte, estas pli facile sin pli klare esprimi en la lingvo de Zamenhof.
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Indeed, it is possible to be equally imprecise in Esperanto like in somewhich another language, even if, often, is more easily to express himself more clearly in the language of Zamenhof.
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It is in fact just as possible to be inexact in Esperanto as in any other language, even if it is often easier to speak clearly in Zamenhof's tongue.
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V. Timo pri malplivaloro rilata al facileco.
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V. a Fear about {malplivaloro} relevant to ease.
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V. Fear of inferiority in connection with facility.
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Pli komplika solvo al problemo sentiĝas kiel pli valora ol facila solvo. Elekti la malfacilan kontentigas ian emon suprenmeti sin, kiu havigas sekurigan kaj komfortigan senton pri la propra graveco.
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A more involved solution gets to a trouble sensual like more valuable than an easy solution. Choosing the hard satisfies some kind of desire {suprenmeti} himself, who supplies security and {komfortigan} a feeling about the his own concern.
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A more complicated solution to a problem is felt to be worth more than a simple one. Choosing the difficult one satisfies some kind of wish to dominate which provides a reassuring and comforting feeling of one's own importance.
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VI. Timo pri heterogeneco.
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VI. A fear about heterogeneity.
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VI. Fear of heterogeneity.
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Tiu estas aparta formo de stato klasike konata per la nomo "diseriĝa angoro". Ĉar homo facile identigas sin al lingvo, Esperanto favoras projekcion sur ĝin de emocioj rilataj al la tuto de onia personeco. Nu, tiu sentiĝas, je nekonscia nivelo, kiel facile rompebla konstruaĵo farita el disaj, sinkontraŭdiraj eroj, ĉiam preta disfali. Kiel simbolo de io ne sufiĉe fortika ĉar kunmetita el tro malsamaj elementoj, Esperanto timigas.
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This is particular a form by a state classically well-known with the name "a {diseriĝa} fear". Because a man identifies himself easily to a language, Esperanto favours a projection on it of emotions relevant to the whole of ones personality. Now, this gets sensual, about unconscious a level, how easily fragile a building done from separate, {sinkontraŭdiraj} elements, always ready collapse. How a symbol of something not enough firm because putted together from too different elements, Esperanto frightens.
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This is a special form of the condition known classically as "fragmentation anxiety". Because it is easy for man to identify with a language, Esperanto encourages projection on to it of emotions connected with the whole of the personality. Now, this is felt at the unconscious level to be a fragile structure made up of separate self-contradictory elements continually in danger of falling apart. As a symbol of something insufficiently strong, being constructed of too disparate elements, Esperanto is frightening.
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VII. Timo pri malalt-niveligo kaj detruo.
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VII. A fear about {malalt-niveligo} and a destruction.
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VII. Fear of lowering standards and destruction.
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Esperanto perceptiĝas kiel ŝosea rulpremilo, kiu pasante premados ĉion morta, platigante ĉiujn kulturajn diferencojn. Oni tiel projekcias sur la zamenhofan lingvon psikajn erojn apartenantajn ĉu al tio, kion Freud nomis mort-instinktoj (Freud, 1920), ĉu al la nekonscia afekcia nukleo, kiun Charles Baudouin nomis "aŭtomato" (Baudouin, 1950, pp. 225-229).
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Esperanto gets perceptive like highway a steamroller, which will press everything passing dead, flattening every cultural differences. One projects psychic belonging elements thus on the Zamenhof language if to it, what Freud called death instincts (Freud, 1920), if to the unconscious affective nucleus, which Charles Baudouin called "an automaton" (Baudouin, 1950, {pp}. 225-229).
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Esperanto is perceived as a road-roller whose passing squashes everything to death, flattening out all cultural differences. In this way, psychic elements belonging either to what Freud called the death-wish or to the unconscious affective nucleus called "automaton" by Charles Baudouin are projected on to Zamenhof's language. (Baudouin, 1950, pp. 225-229).
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4. Konkludo: la funkcio de psikologia rezisto
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4. A conclusion: the function of a psychological resistance
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4.Conclusion: the function of psychological resistance
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La kialo de la emociaj reagoj notitaj komence de ĉi tiu studaĵo nun fariĝas pli klara: la koncemato timas. Lin teruras la ideo, ke oni forŝiros aŭ difektos sanktan trezoron radiantan funde de lia psiko per fea beleco, kiun nenio rajtas superi: la gepatran lingvon, simbolon de lia identeco. Simile al enĉambriĝinta birdeto, kiu, panik-trafita, ne ĉesas koliziadi al la fenestro, ne rimarkante pordon apude malfermitan, li ne havas la necesan serenecon por trankvile rigardi, kio, finfine, estas tiu Esperanto, kiu ŝajnas malsanktigi la koncepton mem pri lingvo. Li estas kaptita en infera [neelirebla] cirklo: por ĉesi timi, necesus rigardi alfronte la realon, sed por kuraĝi alfronti ĝin, necesus ne plu timi.
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The reason by the emotional reactions noted becomes at first of this study now clearer: the {koncemato} fears. The idea frightens him, that one will wrest or will damage a holy radiating treasure thoroughly from his mind with fairy beauty, which nothing has the right to top: the parental language, his identity's symbol. Similarly to {enĉambriĝinta} a tiny bird, which, {panik-trafita}, does not stop {koliziadi} to the window, not noticing a door nearby open, he does not have the necessary detachment for looking calm, what, ultimate, that Esperanto, which seems defiling the idea itself about a language is. He is captive in a infernal [ {neelirebla} ] circle: for stop fear, it would be needed looking {alfronte} the reality, but for dare to face it, it would be needed not on fearing.
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The reason for the emotional reactions noted at the start of this study is now becoming clearer: the person concerned is afraid. He is terrified of the idea that the sacred treasure that shines with a fairy beauty in the depths of his psyche, which nothing is allowed to surpass: the mother tongue, symbol of his identity, might be torn away or damaged. Like a bird in a room, which, panic-stricken, doesn't stop beating itself against the windowpane and doesn't see the open door nearby, he lacks the serenity necessary for a quiet look at what, after all, Esperanto is, that appears to defile the very concept of a language. He is caught up in a vicious circle: to stop being frightened he would have to look at the reality straight on, but to do that he must first stop being frightened.
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Tia maniero reagi, nelogika, sed tipa pri la homa psikologio, ne ekzistus sen la interveno de politikaj kaj sociaj faktoroj, kiujn la amaskomunikiloj grandigas kaj disvastigas, sed kiujn ĉi tie analizi estus neeble (mi ilin pritraktis aliloke, vd Piron, 1986, pp. 22-28 kaj 34-36). Ili ja supozigas subsojlan [sub-liman, subkonscian] influon kompareblan al tiu de reklamado kaj de politika propagando, bazitan sur nevola misinformado, kiu sin reproduktas mem, aŭtomate, jam unu jarcenton. Aliel ne eblus kompreni, ke infanoj kaj adoleskantoj preskaŭ neniam prezentas la apriore negativan reagon facile troveblan ĉe plenkreskuloj, dum ĉiuj psikologiaj elementoj funkciigantaj la defendmekanismojn ĉe ĉi-lastaj enestas ankaŭ en ili.
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That kind of way respond, unlogical, but typical about the human psychology, does not exist without the intervention of political and social factors, which the mass medias expand and spreads, but analyse which here would impossibly (I treated them elsewhere, {vd} a Pear, 1986, {pp}. 22-28 and 34-36) be. They suggest a {subsojlan} [ sublime, subconscious ] comparable influence rather to this from an advertising and of political a propaganda, based on involuntary {misinformado}, which itself renders itself, automatically, yet one century. Aliel would be not possible to understand, that children and a youth present a negative easily possible for a finding reaction almost never the a priorily at adults, during every psychological elements working the defense mechanisms at latters base also in them.
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This kind of reaction, illogical but typical in human psychology, doesn't happen without the intervention of political and social factors blown up and spread by the mass media, but which cannot be analysed here (I have dealt with them elsewhere, vd. Piron, 1986, pp. 22-28 and 34-36). They suggest a subliminal influence comparable with those of advertising and political propaganda, based on involuntary misinformation that has been reproducing itself automatically for a century now. There is no other way of explaining why it is that children and adolescents almost never show the a priori negative reaction easily found in adults, although all the psychological elements triggering defence mechanisms in the latter are present in the former as well.
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Manipulate de siaj nekonsciaj timoj, la dudekajarcentulo ne vidas, ke, antaŭ ol juĝi Esperanton, necesus studi aron da faktoj. Oni povas bedaŭri tion. Sed, laŭ historia perspektivo, montriĝas, ke tiuj reagoj havis pozitivan efikon. Tuja ĝenerala akceptado de la lingva embrio kunmetita de Zamenhof submetus ĝin al disstreĉiĝoj, el kiu ĝi ne eliĝus vivanta. Tiustadie, ĝi estis tro delikata, tro nekompleta. Gi bezonis sufiĉe longan vivperiodon en limigita, sed multkultura medio, por ke la necesaj alĝustiĝoj efektiviĝu, ke la signifkampoj [semantikaj kampoj] difiniĝu, ke korektiĝu la mankoj plej nature, per uzado.
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Handling from his unconscious fears, the {dudekajarcentulo} does not see, that, before than judge Esperanto, would be needed studying group of facts. One can regret it. It points out to be but, according to a historical perspective,, that those reactions had a positive effect. Immediate general {akceptado} by the linguistic embryo putted together by Zamenhof would submit it to {disstreĉiĝoj}, from which it does not emanate living. {Tiustadie}, it was too refined, too incomplete. {Gi} needed an enough long life period in finite, but a multicultural environment, that the necessary {alĝustiĝoj} should happen, that the meaning fields [ semantic fields ] should get determining, that the absences should get right most naturally, with a use.
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Manipulated by his unconscious fears, twentieth-century man doesn't see that before passing judgement on Esperanto it is necessary to take cognisance of a number of facts. This may be regrettable. But from a historic point of view it can be seen that these reactions have had a positive effect. The instant general acceptance of the language embryo put together by Zamenhof would have subjected it to stresses from which it would not have emerged alive. At that stage it was too delicate, too incomplete. It needed quite a long lifetime in a limited but multicultural environment for the necessary adjustments to be brought about, for semantic areas to be defined, for weaknesses to be corrected naturally, through usage.
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Aliflanke, lingvaj rilatoj ĉiam estis rilatoj de potenculo al malfortulo. La ideo anstataŭigi ilin per egalecaj rilatoj, havigantaj al la plej malgrava lingveto la saman statuson kiel al la lingvo de ekonomiaj kaj kulturaj gigantoj, estis tro ŝoka, por ke la homaro povu senvunde adapti sin rapide al ĝi. Transformoj en la ĝenerala pensmaniero postulas malrapidan asimiladon.
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On the other hand, linguistic relations always ware potentate's relations to a nerd. The idea replace they with equality relations, supplying to the most unimportant tiny language the same status like to the language by economic and cultural giants, was too shocking, that the mankind should be able to fit safely itself quickly to it. Transformations demand a slow assimilation in the general way of thinking.
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On the other hand, linguistic relationships are always relationships of the strong towards the weak. The idea of replacing these by egalitarian relationships affording the same status to the smallest and weakest language as to those of the economic and cultural giants has been too shocking for humanity to be able to adjust unscathedly and quickly to it. Transformations in the general thought patterns require gradual assimilation.
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El jarcento da defioj, da politikaj kaj intelektaj atakoj, Esperanto elmergiĝas rimarkinde forta, fleksebla, fajnigita. Ĝin karakterizas forte stampita personeco, same vigla kiel la franca en la tempo de Rabelais. Tiun fakton la plimulto el la homoj ankoraŭ neas, sed ĉiam apriore. Se aŭtoro baziĝas sur la studo de dokumentoj aŭ la observado de Esperanto praktike uzata, li agnoskas ties grandan viglecon. Se la socia kaj psikologia rezisto kontraŭ Esperanto longtempe ege fortis, ĝi aperas nun pli kaj pli spirmanka [malvigliĝanta, malfortiĝanta, perdanta sian triumfan superecon]. Ĉu ne simple, ĉar ĝi ĉesis plenumi sian funkcion?
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From a century of challenges, of political and intellectual accesses, Esperanto emerges noticeably strong, flexible, refined. Strongly marked personality, equally keen like the French in the time of Rabelais. characterizes it The majority denies that fact from the people still, but always a priorily. If an author is based on the study by papers or the surveillance by Esperanto practically used, he recognizes whose great spirit. If the social and psychological resistance was against Esperanto for a long time extremely strong, it appears now more and more dyspnoea [ flaging, weakening, losing his great upper hand ]. Not simply, because it stopped keeping his function?
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From a century of challenges, of political and intellectual attacks, Esperanto has emerged remarkably strong, flexible, refined. It is characterised by a firmly stamped personality, as vigorous as French was in Rabelais' day. This fact is still denied by most people, but always a priori. When a writer bases himself on the examination of documents or observation of Esperanto in practical use, he acknowledges its enormous vitality. While the social and psychological resistance to Esperanto has been very strong for a long time, nowadays it seems to be more and more breathless and relinquishing its triumphant superiority. Is this not simply because it has ceased to fulfil a function?
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